Wednesday, August 30, 2017

Price Gouging Is Bad

 J L Austin

J L Austin once wrote a book How To Do Things With Words. One of the most important - or at least most analyzed - branch of words is "prices" - those signals that firms use to advertise their willingness to part with wares. Prices reflect many things: cost of production*, noise, willingness to purchase and the spatial, temporal & political relations between the seller(s) and the purchaser(s).

Milton Friedman, Theodore Schultz & George Stigler

There's an easy case. In the Heaven of "perfect competition", the price of a good balances two aspects: 1) the aggregate choices of all consumers and potential consumers is indifferent between purchasing and not purchasing an extra bit of that good and 2) the aggregate of all producers must be indifferent between manufacturing and not manufacturing an extra bit of good.

In this topsy-turvy Never-Never Land, "price gouging" - sudden price rise immediately after a natural disaster - is Actually Good. Technocratically and morally good. A rising price reflects a greater need on the part of the consumer, which will be met by profit hungry producers**.

Despite what Richard Posner tells you, we do not live in this place.

Harold Hotelling


It is simply not the case that the rise in price necessarily reflects a change in demand. The change in price can reflect a rise in the monopoly power of firms - a flood creates huge transaction costs. Recall the famous Hotelling Spatial Model of competition - one of the earliest completely specified monopolistic competition models. What happens when the transaction costs increase? We already know this. Transparency goes down, consumer surplus is consumed ... and profits go up. Exactly what is observed.

Ed Chamberlin

Neither is it the case that profit hungry firms can necessarily enter the market to meet demand. In order for a firm to enter a market, the long term expected profit to an entrepreneur must be non-negative. They must be able to overcome, for instance, fixed costs and compete with established firms with increasing returns. A flood creates higher fixed costs for entry - depressing the number of firms that can enter. A bit of price gouging is probably not enough to overcome this effect.



Okay, but let's say you really want to believe in this "perfect competition" story. Maybe it isn't right in detail but you think it gives you the right ... laws of motion. Maybe not always but on average, in a broad sense of the term "average". This was Ol' Frank Knight's opinion on the nature of perfect competition predictions, so you're in good company.

Yes, you admit that most people who hold this position are just contrarians who haven't thought beyond the textbook case. But you're not. You genuinely believe that local multipliers are generally strong enough that price increases - perhaps alongside government spending - generally returned devastated regions to the "status quo ante clades". This is a defensible position, econometrically. At least with small disasters, it seems to be true: every rainy day increases transaction costs - but they don't all destroy the city.

Then how do you take into account that this isn't true in general? Do you think that the unregulated markets of the late 19th century just didn't gouge enough?

I'll make my long story short: automatic disaster relief > price gouging. It's true that there should be changes in economic fundamentals: rain taxes, infrastructure investment, enforcing flood insurance laws, fixing zoning so that flood absorbing lands aren't eaten by sprawl (this is probably irreversible at this point - urban sprawl is one of worst ecological disasters in history but nobody does anything about it...) - but locally, around the disaster the important thing is to get spending back and let the multiplier work itself out. There's no a priori reason to think price gouging will help and not hurt.


Prices are signals, words. Don't think those words can't be "Screw you!".

*"cost" should be understood in a very wide sense.

**It has been well established since Walras that "perfect competition" means constant returns, so small firms can always come up to meet demand in that mystic realm.

Friday, August 18, 2017

About Armen Alchian

Armen Alchian

Armen Alchian - nicknamed by his friends "the Armenian Adam Smith" - was an economist at Stanford, UCLA and the RAND corporation. He participated in all the economic revolutions of the time - general equilibrium, economics of information, theory of the firm, utility theory and evolutionary economics. Though ideologically attracted to libertarianism, Alchian was a devout pluralist in his methods. He was a great writer - unlike most clear writers, Alchian comes by his clarity honestly rather than by covering up difficulties. Alchian did not participate in the usual tedious academic point scoring games.

The economist who Alchian most resembles is Frank Knight, whose insightful but somewhat mystical Risk Uncertainty And Profit hovers behind much of Alchian's more innovative thinking. Alchian's thinking also engages with the even more mystical writing of Friedrich Hayek, especially his famous essay on knowledge.

Alchian also wrote many important papers on inflation (that is - unpredictability in price level) on resource unemployment and therefore macroeconomics more generally. However, I haven't really read and engaged with these papers, so I will not be able to describe them here. I would recommend that you peruse Glasner's blog for that stuff.

"... automobile makers may buy such things as finished seats from outside suppliers because their inspection is relatively easy. But automobile makers are hesitant to use outside sources to supply sheet metal parts, which are ordinarily only discovered to be out of tolerance only when a car body does not fit together correctly."

- Armen Alchian on what is internal and external to the firm

There used to be two major schools in thinking about the economics of organizations.

There was the Lange-Coase school of high transactions costs. The main take away of this school is that the market cannot see into the firm because it is just too damn expensive to negotiate every little thing out. This school gave economists two avenues to improve life: 1. "Mechanism Design" of institutions with low transactions cost - from carbon markets to fight global warming to Lange's surreal technocratic communism 2. Use the courts to allocate goods optimally outside the market (this is regarded as an important insight - why has never been adequately explained to me)

On the other side was the Mises-Pigou theory that the point of the firm was to organize the production process in a way that "internalized externalities" - made the production process as efficient as possible. This school too leaves us a bifurcated road 1. Reduce legislation so that firms can organize themselves as efficiently as possible 2. Use taxes to discourage firms from doing bad things.

As the above quote shows, Alchian was on the side of Mises & Pigou  in this conflict. The choice of what is internal to the firm is a market choice - the firm keeps close that which is expensive to monitor and lets loose what is cheap.

Alchian's insight here is invaluable, but I find myself in mixed agreement with him. He often emphasizes the firm's ability to find a stable point in all this and the possible suboptimality of regulation - I demure. When Alchian says "Vertical integration identifies for consumers a single point of accountability for service quality", I think - when I am in a polite mood - "Maybe ...".

Fortunately or not, Alchian never engaged in polemic over the conflict between his and Coase's points of view, probably because of their personal friendship and idealogical agreement. It's somewhat amusing to see Coase and Alchian talk as if their theories are in precise agreement when the generation of economists before them had raged as if the distinction was the most important thing in the world.

"A football coach knows that the condition of winning is making more points than his opponent. Does knowing this imply that the coach can know what his team must do in order to win? Does the coach know how this can be done?"

- Armen Alchian on the nature of profit maximization


"There are no implications to 'profit maximization'..."

- Armen Alchian on the positive implications of profit maximization

Alfred Marshall called biology the "Mecca of Economics". His vision was to integrate economics into the vast System of Herbert Spencer. As one of the few people who have read the entirety of Marshall's Principles, I have to admit that his biology was kooky Victorian BS. But the reasons he had this goal were sound, even if Marshall's biology was nonsense.

Alchian made a great stride into achieving a more realistic version of the evolutionary aim. He joined the fray in a rather kooky way - in response to a controversy over the meaning of "profit maximization".

Economists have long reduced the firm to a single equation "Profit equals price times quantity minus costs". This is no idle slogan that can be tossed aside by a sophisticate. This equation contains (in a rather mysterious way) the whole of the neo-classical theory of production. A firm - the neoclassical says - may not change the price because then another firm could spring up and undercut them. Cost - they tell us - are an increasing function of quantity. If the profit in an industry is greater than zero, then another firm will leap in. Therefore - the neo-classical economist says sagely - the quantity the firm may produce is exactly the quantity that sets the price to the rate of cost increase. Brilliant!

Or, perhaps, rather foolish. Nobody who studied the firm - from the unusual Thorstein Veblen to the very careful Richard Lester - could find any evidence that workers are paid "their" marginal product. This incomprehensible formulation is no straw man - it can be found in, for instance, Stigler.

Alchian throws away such nonsense - anyone would have to. Instead, Alchian rethought what it means for a firm to "maximize profit". Profit  maximization is meaningless in the presence of uncertainty. In this new interpretation, the competitive process is broken into two steps. In step one, a firm commits to producing a quantity and therefore paying a cost. In step two, consumers consume a quantity of produced goods. Firms are punished on the difference between the predicted demand for current production and the actual demand. Obviously, perfect prediction is an equilibrium of this system. Any dynamics that take you to this equilibrium will make economic analysis valid - no matter how stupid the dynamics are. Alchian gives the example of imitation dynamics (which are just about as 'dumb' as dynamics can get), Richard Day gave a more careful example which includes feedback.

Alchian's theory makes sense of Frank Knight's speculations on the nature of entrepreneurial rent - if a man has the local knowledge to better forecast than his sister, then that man may charge her for his time. But more importantly, they give a comprehensible connection between the Neo-Classical theory and the screaming torrent we call reality - it is the equilibrium theory.

However, Alchian's system isn't quite complete. He doesn't have a clear idea of what it is that punishes the badly predicting firms. Only later would Gary Becker explain correctly what Alchian meant to say - resource constraints on the firm were the whip punishing firms that missed their production quota. In other words - marginalism of the firm was just marginalism, scarce resources = scarce resources. Nothing else is involved.

Though very intellectually satisfying, this is harmful to the idea of a positive theory of the firm. Alchian's ideas apply equally to a monopolistically competitive firm, a monopolist and a firm in a highly competitive market. Luckily, we now understand the mathematics of evolution much better than Alchian and have done much work in the area. For a tour I recommend Bowles & Gintis's fascinating speculations, John Sutton's bounds approach to monopolistic competition and any paper with Tit For Tat in the title.

Incidentally, Alchian was one of the first people to play the iterated prisoner's dilemma. Alchian, unsurprisingly, played ungenerously.

"The year before the H-bomb was successfully created ... we in the economics division at RAND were curious as to what the essential metal was—lithium, beryllium, thorium, or some other. The engineers and physicists wouldn’t tell us economists, quite properly, given the security restrictions. So I told them I would find out. I read the U.S. Department of Commerce Year Book to see which firms made which of the possible ingredients. For the last six months of the year prior to the successful test of the bomb, I traced the stock prices of those firms. I used no inside information. Lo and behold! One firm’s stock prices rose, as best I can recall, from about $2 or $3 per share in August to about $13 per share in December. It was the Lithium Corp. of America. In January, I wrote and circulated within RAND a memorandum titled 'The Stock Market Speaks'. Two days later I was told to withdraw it. The bomb was tested successfully in February, and thereafter the stock price stabilized."

 - Armen Alchian inventing the Event Study

"We assert: 'All prices are Martingales.' And we conjecture a second proposition: 'No quantity variables are Martingales.'"

- Armen Alchian on flexible prices

"Nor do I find it warranted to call the stock market 'efficient' any in pertinent sense just because the present price is an unbiased estimate of the forthcoming price. I would rather call it unbiased."

-Armen Alchian on the efficient markets hypothesis

Because of his excellent writing, Alchian is often considered a 'literary' economist. But Alchian was capable of doing math. At RAND, Alchian wrote a paper (already linked) making sense of the notion of cost in a production process - cost is denoted in units of equity - this is the secret key between Alchian's analysis and the Becker analysis. Alchian kept a long interest in how the stock market moved information - one of his students, William Sharpe, got a Nobel Prize for stock market stuff.

But if I had to choose an Alchian paper with math, I would point to his more philosophical 1974 paper on the notion of a martingale as a sign of the depth of his thinking on these issues. This paper is not just about the idea of an unbiased random variable, but on the notion of what it means for relative prices to be flexible. He gives a picture of some imaginary time series that have clear patterns, but whose relative prices give no information.  An enormous amount of economics is dedicated to thinking through these kinds of models - all Tom Sargent's work for one.

The strict separation between price martingales and quantity martingales explains why neo-classicals placed such an emphasis on "price flexibility" - why the theorists like Stigler have such a horror of a price floor. If prices are a martingale, then their shifts don't disturb the underlying balance of goods and services - the scarce resources stay where they are. There is no unemployment, not really. The only "unemployment" comes from information frictions that cause the prices to not quite be martingales- they'd be "sticky".

Now, obviously, there is more unemployment that can be found from information friction. If it was just information friction, then unemployed workers could just reduce their so-called "reservation wage" (the lowest amount they'd work for, more or less) and always find a job. But recessions are real, and in a recession reducing the reservation wages raises unemployment. The price signals are confused.

Even when not in recession, unemployment is not just due to information frictions. Because unemployment is unpleasant, firms  can use it as a punishment for shirking workers. If workers are willing to work for less, this tool becomes less effective and unemployment must rise. Firms and workers can work out labour/"leisure" trade-off through the quantity channel too.

So Alchian misses important pieces of the market in his assumption that prices are martingales and quantities are not. With all due respect to Hayek, information is sent through the quantity channel, even if that channel is noisier than the price channel. But Alchian (and Hayek) deserve attention for putting the problem so clearly. Alchian deserves more respect, in my opinion, because he was less dogmatic on this issue - he cited and spread papers such as this one that featured "involuntary unemployment".

"Before condemning violence (physical force) as a means of social control, note that its threatened or actual use is widely practiced and respected—at least when applied successfully on a national scale. Julius Caesar conquered Gaul and was honored by the Romans; had he simply roughed up the local residents, he would have been damned as a gangster. Alexander the Great, who conquered the Near East, was not regarded by the Greeks as a ruffian, nor was Charlemagne after he conquered Europe. Europeans acquired and divided—and redivided—America by force. Lenin is not regarded in Russia as a subversive. Nor is Spain’s Franco, Cuba’s Castro, Nigeria’s Gowon, Uganda’s Amin, China’s Mao, our George Washington."

- Armen Alchian on alternative means of governance

 "Incentives are the prizes in the game of life-the goals individuals seek - the carrots. Through the ages of Tutankhamen, Alexander, Caesar, Louis XIV, and the Atom, they have remained the same. Men want, and have always wanted, exorbitant wealth, tyrannical power, idolatrous prestige, lavish consumption, and undisciplined leisure. ... What does explain the disparities? Differences in the relations between costs and goals."

- Armen Alchian on the utility function

There is a mysticism to the work of many economists. An economist speaks of optimality more often than Dr Pangloss and stability in a world in constant torrent. One reason that I like the works of Alchain is that there is a sort of reality to them. They are philosophical, even when they are technical. "Cost is a choice" - dull. "Cost is a choice in different forms of equity" - interesting! "Firms, of course, evolve" - hogshew. "Selection on firms is on their ability to forecast" - neat!

Another example: Alchian's work Why Money? is a economic philosophy gem, deriving the existence of money from the network of trade. A good will become money if the costs of identifying the quality of a good are low for everyone - that's why kings put their stamp on it! This is obviously an important work and one that opened the door to fundamental new research.

I said I wouldn't quote Alchian on macro, but I can't resist one:

"Why would a cut in money wages provoke a different response than if the price level rose relative to wages – when both would amount to the same change in relative prices, but differ only in the money price level? Almost  everyone thought Keynes presumed a money wage illusion. However, an answer more respectful of Keynes is available. The price level rise conveys different information."

This is one of those things that is so obvious after it is pointed out to you. In many economists there is the magical thought - it all depends on the relative price level. But Alchian is more careful - prices of complex items adjust more slowly than prices of simple items and people are complex. In a crude Keyensian system,  a cut in money wages ahead of the business cycle would signal bad times and depress spending - a raise of the price level (with wages lagging behind) would signal good times and encourage spending. In the Classical & Neo-Classical system, this signalling does not occur, only the relative price levels matter. Yes, there really was a Keynesian Revolution.

This observation makes the difference between neoclassical and Keynesian economics at least partly testable! I know that Alchian has attempted these tests and generally hasn't found the desired lags. And I know many economists - such as Andolfatto - have pursued this avenue more deeply. But I don't know much beyond that and will therefore be silent.

Monday, August 14, 2017

A Productive Read: A Review of Pasinetti's Lectures on the Theory of Production

Luigi Pasinetti

This is a very fine book that should be read by anyone who has a sufficiently strong background knowledge of linear algebra. Pasinetti is a fine writer who brilliantly exposits all aspects of the so-called "Sraffian" or "neo-Ricardian" theory using algebra and numerical examples. Pasinetti paces the book musically, showing how the concepts of Sraffian theory illuminate the problem of disaggregated production. Pasinetti makes it easy to understand what I call the Central Sraffian Theorem and why it may be wise to place it at the center of economic analysis.

Piero Sraffa


Pasinetti begins with a chapter on the precursors to the linear Sraffian system. Unlike most of these kinds of chapters, Pasinetti keeps things worth reading by using simple mathematical models instead of tedious linguistic analysis. Pasinetti expounds the basics of the old Ricardian system in aggregate and disaggregated along with its Marxian gloss. This chapter also distinguishes the production coefficients of Walras - which assume constant returns to scale - and the distribution coefficients of Sraffa which Pasinetti will work with. In the next chapter, Pasinetti moves to the simplest analyses of the so-called "Input-Output" method, going over the primary practical difficulties and introducing concepts he will use throughout the book.

The meat of the book begins in chapter three, where Pasinetti develops the linear theory of production in the mode of Sraffa, again pausing to explain how the coefficients are not necessarily the static production coefficients of Leontief-Walras. In chapter four, Pasinetti completes the analysis using both basic algebra, linear algebra and numerical examples of the Leontief-Walras case where the distribution coefficients are also the static production coefficients. This chapter introduces the conditions on which a distribution matrix may correspond to a stable productive economy: that the Perron-Forbenius eigenvalue should be less than unity. Economically, this means that the "quantity of input" should be less than the "quantity of output" with linear algebra providing precise meaning to the words in quotes even in the case of complete disaggregation.


With those four chapters as introduction, Pasinetti begins his wonderfully clear exposition of the Sraffian system. Where Sraffa's exposition was brilliant but mysterious, Pasinetti lets the theory free with it's assumptions and their reasons completely out in the open.

Essentially, Sraffa's system is a very large production network, which you can think of as a directed graph with positive weights. Sraffa tries out a few conceptual/topological assumptions about the nature of the network of production - it should be connected, the weights should positive, etc.. Assuming that the network is constant in time, Pasinetti & Sraffa can use the Perron-Frobenious theorem to find the amount of surplus production. The division of the surplus (between workers and capitalists) might seem - at first - a difficult problem. If we want to find the wages* in terms of some numeraire - gold, dollars, corn - then changing the wage rate must decrease the quantity that goes to capitalists, but not necessarily in a simple manner.


This is unpleasant, because it is not necessarily convex. This means that a Bergson–Samuelson social welfare function would not guide a social planner - not even the distributed one that we call "the market". (History of economic thought fans will recall the tie between convexity and general equilibrium was first noticed by Joan Robinson)

I had to draw this one, Pasinetti would never draw something with Samuelson in the name.


Pasinetti was able to spot an assumption even I managed to miss when reading Sraffa - that Sraffa's construction of the so-called "standard commodity" requires the physical own-rate of reproduction of the "basic commodities" that enter into the production of every good (labor, etc) must be less than the the physical own-rate of reproduction of all other commodities. I will put the Central Sraffian Theorem carefully: If the assumptions on the production network hold and prices (or wages, at least) are stated in terms of the standard commodity, then the relationship between how much excess production goes to the workers (wages) and how much goes to capitalists (profit) is linear.


Since a line is convex, Bergson–Samuelson social welfare is deterministic again. Woo. Further, Pasinetti shows that this unit for wages makes wages exactly equal to the labor commanded by the system - just as Adam Smith tried to tell you 241 years ago. If the distribution around the network really is stable for all time, as Sraffa assumes and Pasinetti assumes for now, then one can expand the distribution backwards as the sum of the history of splits of surplus product - as Marx might have told you. The Central Sraffian Theorem is sufficient to show historical materialism is coherent (though not necessarily correct).

Pasinetti then goes on to consider Marx's infamous "transformation problem" in a very helpful and unpretentious way. Pasinetti suggests that Marx's garbled account is due to to Marx's habit of moving parameters around that don't affect the production network, solving this special case and then lastly declaring the general problem solved. For instance, if we want to know the maximum level amount of excess output, it doesn't matter if we set wages equal to zero. Analyzing the system with great care, Pasinetti is able to reformulate the Central Sraffian Theorem in this way "The rate of surplus value is inversely related to the wage." (well, Pasinetti is more precise, but this gives the flavor). If all the excess production of the economy is given to the workers, the surplus value is exactly zero. This makes sense of Marxist political economy (if Sraffa's assumptions hold).

Joan Robinson


Unfortunately, no book from this school is complete without the inevitable chapter on "reswitching". Reswitching is all about taking seriously the concept of a function - is A a function of B or is B a function of A. A breezy theory where everything is linear makes everything a function of everything else - but life is not so breezy.

Pasinetti is characteristically scintillating, spreading light over this darkened field. He starts by considering three sets of worlds, which adopt three different production networks for the creation of a product. The rate of profit for a capitalist is uniform across industries (remember how Pasinetti defines profit), so the capitalist would like to be in the world with the production network that minimizes cost. However, which world that is depends on the profit rate. Therefore, profit rate determines choice of technique but choice of technique does not determine profit rate. This is the only theoretical fine point in reswitching. Pasinetti goes on to consider special cases and the general case in turn, but the result is the same, choice of technique is a non-invertible function of profit.

The upshot of all this is that the solution to the problem implicit in the Central Sraffian Theorem is the fundamental problem of the economy. If you want to know how an economy is structured, you have to know how it divides its product between its people.


In the final chapter, Pasinetti considers exogenous growth in a disaggregated Sraffian growth network. Expressing the system in terms of a standard commodity, Pasinetti finds a linear trade-off between current consumption and growth rate - just as Irving Fisher et. al. would have told you. The level of discussion is not quite as high as the well known DOSSO textbook (esp. Chapter 12), which made the knife edge transversality problem of a growing economy rather clear (of course, this was for Leontief-Walras fixed coefficients case, not the more mysterious Sraffa case). One could look at the above picture and think - with Irving Fisher - that all you need is an indifference curve. Pasinetti closes his system instead with a hypothesis on savings rates - which, obviously, are the reverse of present consumption. The hypothesis is this: workers cannot save but capitalists can. So Marxist political economy is not quite saved in the Cambridge Neo-Ricardian system. Workers have more to lose than their chains - capitalists are their bank accounts. In general, any relation between current consumption and distribution of excess product will turn the analysis of the exogenous growth case back into the static case.

This book is short, clear and eye-opening. Anybody who reads this will come out with a better understanding of economics than when they went in - no matter how much they know now. The only two flaws of the book are: 1) sometimes vital assumptions are put in footnotes and 2) there is a bit too much point-scoring against Paul Samuelson for my taste. Also, I still find the meaning of the constants in the Sraffian distribution matrix mysterious in a growing economy, but this may be just me.

A+, ten stars, book's alright.

* Pasinetti calls "wages" and "profit" the distribution of the excess product to workers and capitalists respectively.